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BHUBANESWAR: Maoists who abducted two Italians five days ago on Monday made further demands, ignoring chief minister Naveen Patnaik’s appeals to free the two.

India meanwhile assured Italian foreign minister Guilio Terzi that all efforts were on to free Bosusco Paolo, 54, and Claudio Colangelo, 61. The abduction became known only Saturday.

The Orissa Police said they had intensified their search for the Italians, but there was no clue where they were being held.

Patnaik said his government was examining a pamphlet in which the guerrillas had raised fresh demands, raising the total number of demands to 13.

The pamphlet was issued in the name of Sunil, secretary of the Odisha State Organising Committee of the Communist Party of India-Maoist. “This pamphlet is being examined,” Patnaik said in the assembly.

“The Maoists have not yet nominated their representatives to discuss the matter with the government. When such a communication is received, further steps will be taken,” he added.

He urged the rebels to release the hostages unharmed, adding that his government was ready to talk to the abductors.

Police and other officials held a series of meetings Sunday and Monday.

“We have so far not received any communication from them (Maoists),” Home Secretary U.N. Behera said.

Asked if search operations were on, Behera said: “I will not be able to tell you that.”

The government had earlier said the Italians were abducted Saturday at the border of Ganjam and Kandhamal district.

Paolo and Colangelo had gone with two Indians, Santosh Moharana and Kartika Parida, both residents of Puri, to Kandhamal district March 12 on a four-day trekking trip.

On March 14 morning, six to seven people came with guns when they were near a rivulet. The rebels forced the four to a nearby forest after tying their hands and blindfolding them.

The Indians were released March 16.

Puri District Superintendent of Police Anup Kumar Sahu said the witnesses’ statements were recorded and a case had been registered against the abductors.

Maoist leader Sabyasachi Panda, in an audio message sent to media Sunday, said the tourists were seized after they took ‘objectionable’ photographs of some tribal women near a rivulet.

He asked the government stop its anti-Maoist operations.

The Maoists want the government to fulfil a charter of 13 demands including those it promised last year.

These include halting anti Maoist operations, scrapping accords with MNCs for land transfer, compensation to families of Maoist sympathisers killed in police custody and release of about 600 prisoners.

In the latest demands, they wanted tourists to be kept away from tribal areas and those arrested for opposing industrial projects, including Posco and Vedanta, to be released.

It is the first time foreigners have been abducted by Maoists in Orissa.

Maoists are active in more than half of the state’s 30 districts.

In New Delhi, visiting Italian foreign minister was told by his Indian counterpart S.M. Krishna that India was equally concerned about the seized Italians.

“India assures Italy that all efforts are being made to secure release of Italians kidnapped in Odisha,” external affairs ministry spokesman Syed Akbaruddin said.

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NEW DELHI: Notwithstanding her pin-pricks to the government over various issues, Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee today said she was committed to the UPA and would remain with it unless it is humiliated or “they throw us out”.

She, however, made it clear that if her party is humiliated, she would have to take a “decision”, apparently referring to the continuance of support to the UPA government.

“There are some issues… I am not angry. I can’t disclose the entire story to the press. I am with a particular alliance. I can’t comment against that. There is decorum in democratic system,” Mamata told CNN-IBN.

Pointing out that every political party has some political commitment to the people, the West Bengal Chief Minister said “I am only committed to keep my commitment also.”

Asked whether she would withdraw support to the government, she said “I am committed to UPA-II because we had contested the election together. I want to keep my manifesto promise. Unless, until they throw us out, we would continue with respect, whatever they may give to us.”

At the same time, she added, “if there is humiliation, you have to take a decision. Until there is humiliation, we will abide by our commitment.”

Her statement assumes significance as she has been repeatedly giving headaches to the government by opposing various measures like NCTC, FDI in retail, fuel price and railway fare hike.

Answering a variety of questions including on removal of Dinesh Trivedi, Mamata, at one point, said the “Prime Minister cannot decide on the Railway Minister because it is a coalition government. I can’t interfere in Congress business, Congress can’t interfere in our party business.” Underlining that it was her party’s prerogative to choose who would be Railway Minister, she said her party had only one cabinet minister given to it whereas there are parties with 10 members having two to three cabinet berths.

“That is they gave us the Railway and we did not ask for finance, home or defence,” said the chief of Trinamool Congress which has 19 members in the Lok Sabha.

She indicated she should have been consulted on the railway budget which proposed fare hike. “He (Trivedi) is my own minister. At least on policy decision… I am not asking the budget proposal to be given to me. Can you think that without discussing the policy decision with Soniaji, Congress can place the budget? In every party, there is a parampara (tradition),” Trinamool Congress chief said.

She claimed her party “did not interfere” on resignation of Trivedi but said “if somebody is deputed from the party, they have to inform the party about the policy decision. At least, you should inform about the price hike.”

She argued the union cabinet never passed the railway budget and even in case of general budget, the cabinet endorsed it just “half an hour” before presentation in Parliament. “Only the PM and Finance Minister know the budget,” she said.

Responding to the charge that Railway Ministry was being used by her as her personal office, Mamata shot back “why does Soniaji decide who will be the PM of the country? Because she is the leader of the party. Making evident her displeasure over the functioning of the Railway Ministry under Trivedi, Mamata said, “All my people have been thrown out from the railway. We never questioned that.”

Opposing hike in railway fares in lower classes, the former Railway Minister said, “The poor people every day travel by train. More than 60 per cent of them are daily passengers. Two paise or five paise increase amounts to Rs 200 in a month.”

On whether there would be a rollback of fare hike, she declined to comment, saying it was the business of Parliament to take decision in this regard. “Let the new minister take oath. I did not discuss anything with the PM as this is not his matter.”

Mamata rejected the contention that it was a reform railway budget. “Those who praise the budget only see their angle and don’t see the public angle. Unfortunate part in this country today is if you say something for the poor, one section of media says it’s bad.”

She argued that increasing the fare was not the only way out. “I believe in going for innovations. You should go for commercialisation, new business options. I had given all options.”

With regard to her demand for special package for West Bengal, the Chief Minister said her government was carrying the baggage of the Left front legacy with Rs 2,03,000 crore debt.

“Before elections, PM assured us of special package… I am not begging for money from the Centre. We need to protect our right,” she said, adding the state’s total income was Rs 21,000 crore while the central government was taking Rs 22,000 crore from the state.

“Only Delhi can’t run the country. I support the national party and also the federal front. You need so many flowers to make a garland. One flower can’t make a garland. All parties have their own importance in their states,” she said.

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NEW DELHI: If it is Mission Impossible, dial Virat Kohli. When the 23-year-old from west Delhi bats these days, no bridge seems too far and no target too big. Twice in the space of three weeks, he has almost single-handedly achieved the near-impossible for India.

On Sunday, Kohli’s 183 off 148 balls against Pakistan helped India record its highest ever run chase of 330 with 2.1 overs to spare. “Bura na mano Kohli hai,” went around an SMS as he raged like a storm in Mirpur. The pun was on Holi, but Kohli batted as if it was Diwali. The cricketing fireworks turned into real fireworks nationwide after India triumphed.

Last month at Hobart, his 133 off 86 balls helped overhaul Sri Lanka’s 320 with 13.2 overs to spare. That afternoon, too, Kohli made batting look like a walk in the park. It’s been that way for a while. This year his overall ODI average stands at a mind-boggling 73 and the strike rate is 97. Last year, he was the world’s highest scorer in ODIs and the second-highest the year before. It doesn’t get any better than this.

Undoubtedly, Kohli is the hottest ODI batsman on the planet. But is he the best too? That’s what the statistics seems to suggest, especially when compared to the other batting greats at a similar stage – 85 games – of their respective careers. Consider this. None of the following – Brian Lara, Ricky Ponting, Dean Jones, MS Dhoni, Michael Bevan, and even Sachin Tendulkar and Vivian Richards – had better records than Kohli at this stage.

After 85 games, Kohli has scored 11 centuries. Nobody comes close; Lara (5) and Pointing (5) being next. In this illustrious bunch, Kohli’s overall strike rate 86.31 is third only to Dhoni’s 96.26 and Richards’s 86.99 at the same stage. And his average (50.56) is second only to Bevan’s 56.54.

Statistics suggest that Virat Kohli is the best ODI batsman in the world now. It isn’t just the runs he has scored so far; it is also the manner and situation in which he has fetched them. Out of his 11 centuries, 10 have come in winning causes; seven of them in a run chase.

Thanks to him, run chases are no longer nervous affairs for India. And he seems to shun last-over heroics; Kohli prefers to finish early and in style. Only one thing jars: that his celebration seems incomplete without reference to mothers and sisters.

Once set, Kohli seems to always be in control. He seems to bring his leadership skills even to batting. His strokeplay is cultured; slogs are rare. There’s plenty of wristwork on display and power too.

Kohli prefers to play along the ground but is not averse to the lofted stroke. And he plays the pull with poise. On Sunday, he was the only Indian batsman who read Saeed Ajmal. Barring one delivery that was edged for four, he had an answer to every doosra or teesra that the Pakistan spinner offered.

Before the Australia tour, most experts had put their money on Rohit Sharma as the one more likely to succeed. Kohli proved them wrong, being the faster adapter and quicker learner. Ever since he made his ODI debut against Sri Lanka in August 2008, Kohli has grown and evolved beyond recognition.

As an 18-year-old, Kohli came to bat for Delhi on the day his father passed away because his team needed him. He scored 90 and steered his team to safety against Karnataka before he fell to a poor umpiring decision. Even at that age, Kohli stood out for his amazing commitment and rare temperament.

Now, Kohli is many things to many people. For the cricket fan, he is a future India captain. For media managers, he is that special face that can sell a million hair gels and mobile phones. For teenage girls, he is the pin-up of their dreams. Kohli is reaching for the stars and corporates for the cheque book.

A year after Sourav Ganguly smashed 183 against Sri Lanka in the 1999 World Cup, he became India’s captain. Dhoni marched to ODI team’s captaincy two years after hitting that brilliant 183 against Sri Lanka in 2005.

Virat is already the Indian ODI team’s vice-captain. After his 183, one wonders what awaits the Delhi star.

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LUCKNOW/NEW DELHI: Mulayam Singh Yadav on Monday ruled out the possibility of joining UPA, triggering speculation about the terms on which the Samajwadi Party may agree to shore up the numbers of the ruling coalition.

“Barely a year is left for Lok Sabha polls, there is no reason why we should join the government,” Mulayam said in Lucknow, adding that there was zero possibility of SP joining the UPA.

The comment came on a day when the Samjawadi group in Lok Sabha ignored Rahul Gandhi’s scathing “goonda raj” campaign jibes to rescue the government in a trial of strength with the opposition. Samajwadis withdrew their amendments to the President’s address and voted against the changes sought by BJP and the Left. The SP support to UPA despite Congress’s decision to stick to Trinamool by accepting Mamata Banerjee’s demand for sacking of the railway minister triggered speculation on what was cooking between the two parties that crossed swords in a bitterly fought assembly battle.

Congress seemed to reciprocate hours later when it dodged questions about the induction of “tainted” Raja Bhaiya in CM Akhilesh Yadav’s government..

Congress’s desire to have SP in the UPA tent in order to have a buffer against increasingly assertive allies like Trinamool has been known. The heat of UP campaign did not diminish it, with a section of Congress party stressing the need to have channels open with the SP boss on the ground that he would prove to be a more stable and mature ally. Samajwadi Party with its 22 MPs can bolster UPA’s numbers.

Congress sources remain optimistic of a positive response from SP. While SP’s support for the government on Monday shows that the hope is not without basis, SP’s thumping win in UP has pitchforked Mulayam into a position from where he can drive a harder bargain.

Congress had reckoned that SP would not get a majority of its own, enabling the party to play the kingmaker and leverage its numbers in the hung House in Lucknow to bring Samajwadis in the UPA column at the Centre. However, estimates of a “partnership of equals” were dealt a big blow, when SP overwhelmed its opponents.

Free of dependence on Congress in Lucknow, Mulayam can make tough demands which may push Congress to stick to its existing allies. The compulsion was evident on Monday when Congress tried to please both Trinamool and DMK by agreeing to their demands over change in railway ministry and support for resolution against Sri Lanka in the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council.

The anxiety to keep numbers for unforeseen situation is also goading Congress to stay engaged with SP, even if the liaison does not result in a formal alliance straightaway because of SP’s autonomy in Lucknow.

Talking to reporters in Lucknow, Mulayam denied the possibility of joining the UPA at the Centre, saying that he had received no invite from Congress.

The numerical frailty of the Congress-led coalition lies at the core of the crisis facing the Centre, with Congress desperate to marshal support when Trinamool upped the ante over the rail budget last week. It plunged the UPA into a crisis which nudged the ruling party to reach out to its “outside supporters”.

In what appeared in sync with its attempt to humour SP, Congress reciprocated by somersaulting on its stance against Samajwadi’s “criminalization”.

When asked about the irony behind UP putting strongman-minister Raja Bhaiyya in charge of prisons, AICC spokesman Abhishek Singhvi merely repeated the defence offered by Akhilesh Yadav that charges against Raja Bhaiyya were never proved. When reminded about Congress’s high decibel poll campaign against SP for patronizing criminals, Singhvi said the epithets were used for the past SP regime and not its future government which came into existence only a few days ago.

The mutual accommodation raised queries if Mulayam was playing hard to get to Congress overtures. While Congress has kept him on standby in UPA-2 for an emergency like Trinamool’s revolt, it thinks Mulayam can be part of the Centre now that political concerns are over. Congress was earlier averse to tying up with SP because it felt the alliance would undercut its revival attempt in UP. However, the decimation in recent polls has made Congress alive to its central compulsions.

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NEW DELHI: Thanks to its aggressive shopping in international arms bazaars and very limited indigenous supplies, India was the world’s largest arms importer between 2007 and 2011, according to the latest data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

India accounted for 10% of global arms imports in 2007-11, SIPRI said on Monday. The four next largest recipients of arms in the same period were South Korea (6% of arms transfers), Pakistan (5%), China (5%) and Singapore (4%).

The figures were not surprising given India’s huge reliance on imports, at about 70% of its total defence requirements. Since the Kargil conflict of 1999, India has been steadily buying up arms and ammunition from foreign suppliers, and has consistently been among the top defence importers of the world.

The most visible trend during 2007-11 was how China, which was the largest recipient of arms exports in 2002-2006, fell to fourth position in 2007-11. The decline in Chinese imports coincided with significant growth of the Asian giant’s indigenous arms industry and its rising arms exports, the report said.

“Between 2002-2006 and 2007-11, the volume of Chinese arms exports increased by 95%. China now ranks as the sixth largest supplier of arms in the world, narrowly trailing the United Kingdom,” SIPRI said.

“While the volume of China’s arms exports is increasing, this is largely a result of Pakistan importing more arms from China,” said Paul Holtom, director of the SIPRI Arms Transfers Programme. “China has not yet achieved a major breakthrough in any other significant market,” he said.

“Major Asian importing states are seeking to develop their own arms industries and decrease their reliance on external sources of supply,” said Pieter Wezeman, senior researcher with the SIPRI Arms Transfers Programme. “A large share of arms deliveries is due to licensed production,” he said.

Asia and Oceania accounted for 44% of global arms imports, followed by Europe (19%), the Middle East (17%), the Americas (11%) and Africa (9%), the think tank said.

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